So it's time to discuss about the 'implication and consequences of regime change in Burma' after the November 2010 elections. A consultation meeting on the issue is organized in Northeast India in the coming days where a number of democracy & human rights advocates and activists, civil society organizations and journalists from India and Burma would be present. They are understood to share their experiences and exchange perspectives & knowledge on various issues like border security, refugees, migrants and trafficking especially in the region bordering Burma.

The region, adjacent to Burma supports more than 40,000 Burmese (mostly Chin) people. These refugees are not recognized by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees as the agency has no office in Northeast. The interested refugee has to move to New Delhi for the UN recognition and subsequent supports. Not only India, Burma’s other neighboring countries like Thailand, Bangladesh and China are also supporting thousands of Burmese asylum seekers, refugees and migrant workers.

"Many historic political events took place in Burma in the last few months. Soon after the election, the SPDC authority released the pro-democracy Burmese icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. It was followed by the Parliament sessions at Nay Pyi Taw and finally demolition of the SPDC meaning a new civilian regime is installed in the country. But are these changes can bring any satisfactory news for the democratic activists of Burma?" questions Pu Kim, a Burmese exile in India.

Speaking to this writer from New Delhi, the young activist also added, The question that arises whether these 'changes' are meant for democratization. But we must not forget that the apex court of the country has still no jurisdiction over the military forces of the country.

The SPDC legalized the 2008 Burma Constitution just after a week of Cyclone Nargis (cyclone) in May 2008 where 140,000 people died and over 2.4 million were severely affected. The international communities and aid organizations appealed the military rulers to postpone the nationwide referendum (in order to legalize the 2008 Constitution) because of Nargis, but the regime did not entertain the appeal.

"Amazingly the 2008 Constitution provides the Commander-in-Chief sufficient power to influence the declaration of a 'State of Emergency' and even imposition of martial law. It also allows the army to exercise sole power during a period of martial law," Kim added.

A statement issued by Burma Centre Delhi, which is organizing the meeting said, "It is internationally recognized that constitutions conceived and adopted in conflict/post conflict situations should be the result of negotiations, reconciliation and trust building if they are to succeed. A constitution that systematically entrenches injustice will prolong conflict and instability in ethnically diverse Burma."

It also added that the 2008 Constitution and November 2010 elections were widely criticized and condemned by the UN, the EU and Burmese pro-democracy campaigners because of undemocratic norms and rejection of democratic principles and human rights during the implantation of Junta’s 7-step Road map to Democracy, the convention of Parliament and formation of new government in early April 2011 was the last step of the Military’s 7-step road map.

Currently there are more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma with lengthy sentences of up to 106 years, many of whom are leaders of the pro-democracy and ethnic opposition groups. Moreover, Burma Army’s recent offensive in eastern Burma since the day of elections has caused the displacement of tens of thousands of ethnic civilians. The failure to address the legitimate rights and aspirations of Burma’s ethnic groups is a root cause of instability and dictatorship in Burma.